Below I present an article by LA Times & it's interpretation by a local Ghanaian paper - Chronicle. The only mention of Ghana in the original article

In Ghana, the government is investigating corruption and human rights abuses of former President Jerry J. Rawlings, who ruled the West African country for 20 years.

Article from LA Times

Newspaper columnists ridicule the country's maximum leader almost daily. His fiercest loyalists are openly defying him. And crowds of ordinary Kenyans--who say he is leaving a legacy of poverty and corruption--are booing and heckling him as he makes stops across the country.

Kenyans are stunned that President Daniel Arap Moi, a power- wielding autocrat who once silenced his critics by jailing them, is- -for the most part--refraining from retaliating.

These days, Moi, one of Africa's last surviving Big Men, doesn't seem so big after all.

"The myth of Moi is being shattered," said John Githongo, a political analyst and head of a local anti-corruption group. "Kenyans probably never thought they'd see this day when it is kosher to challenge the Big Man.

"Lame-duck politics has arrived in Kenya," he added, explaining why Kenyans suddenly feel emboldened to take on their president.

For the last several weeks, Kenyans have been debating whether to grant amnesty to Moi and top government officials after he leaves office.

The ongoing debate on amnesty for African leaders will be repeated across the continent over the next decade. In the late 1980s and '90s, 33 African countries--including Moi's Kenya-- adopted multi-party systems, according to Githongo.

Twenty African leaders won their elections and instituted term limits. As many of their tenures are coming to an end, the corrupt past of many African leaders will have to be dealt with by their successors.

What seems almost certain is that the 77-year-old Moi, who has ruled this East African nation since 1978 and is barred from running for reelection, will retire early next year after elections are held.

But analysts say his insistence on handpicking his successor could rip apart his Kenya African National Union party--which has been in power since the country's 1963 independence from Britain-- and even trigger ethnic clashes.

Moi has chosen as his heir 41-year-old Uhuru Kenyatta, a self- described "reluctant politician" and son of Kenya's first president, Jomo Kenyatta.

The choice of Kenyatta led to an open revolt in Moi's government, with some of the president's closest ministers accusing him of being dictatorial.

Environment Minister Joseph J. Kamotho, a Moi loyalist, charged that the president had a "sinister agenda ... to impose a leader" on Kenya.

On Monday, Moi fired a warning shot at his critics, sacking Kamotho and another Cabinet minister who also assailed Kenyatta.

Moi openly acknowledges that he chose Kenyatta because "I have seen that he is a person who can be guided."

"I will retire after the election, but don't think I will go home," he told party supporters recently. "I will play other roles."

Analysts say Moi's remarks revealed his master plan: to appoint a puppet so that he can be the power behind the throne.

By selecting a leader beholden to him, Moi--reputed to be one of the richest men in East Africa--could also protect himself and his cronies from future prosecution for what many say is a legacy of high-level corruption and human rights abuses.

The president can trust Kenyatta, analysts say, because Moi helped protect the vast empire that Jomo Kenyatta amassed during his presidency. Uhuru Kenyatta, analysts say, would be counted on to return the favor to Moi's family.

Some analysts say that, in choosing Kenyatta, who belongs to the large Kikuyu ethnic group, Moi is trying to funnel support from the opposition, which has been nurtured largely by Kikuyus during Moi's rule.

Gichira Kibara, executive director of the Center for Governance and Development, said that if the Kikuyus acquired power through the opposition, they would certainly retaliate against Moi's party for instigating ethnic clashes during the 1992 elections in which hundreds of Kikuyus were killed.

In fact, civic groups here have been debating whether granting amnesty to Moi and his cronies will ensure a smooth transition of power.

At one recent conference held by the Kenyan chapter of the corruption watchdog group Transparency International, the Rev. Mutava Musyimi, general secretary of the National Council of Churches, said the nation needs to heal "from grand corruption that has harmed the economy greatly, to ethnic clashes that have undermined social cohesion."

During Moi's rule, Kenya--which has a population of 30 million people and is roughly twice the size of Nevada--has become one of the most corrupt countries in Africa. The World Bank and other institutions are withholding hundreds of millions of dollars in loans until the government tackles high-level corruption.

Kenyans are trapped in a vicious cycle in which the meager wages of those fortunate to have a job are eaten away by bribes they must pay for education, health care and basic government services.

But the East African nation has a lot of company.

A recent U.N. report revealed that an estimated $30 billion in aid for Africa has been plundered, ending up in foreign bank accounts.

Only last month, the Zambian parliament voted to revoke immunity granted to former President Frederick Chiluba following allegations that he looted the country's now-bare treasury of hundreds of millions of dollars. In Ghana, the government is investigating corruption and human rights abuses of former President Jerry J. Rawlings, who ruled the West African country for 20 years.

Since Moi ascended to the presidency following the death of Jomo Kenyatta, he has dominated every aspect of Kenyan politics.

Wags like to say that Louis XIV was also thinking about Moi's rule when he coined the quote: "L'etat, c'est moi." (I am the state.)

Visitors who drive across Kenya cannot escape evidence of what has helped make Moi the quintessential African Big Man. Moi Avenue. Moi International Airport. Moi University. Moi International Sports Center. Moi Forces Academy. Ubiquitous presidential photographs. A national holiday to honor himself. Bank notes bearing his image. Dozens of schools bearing his name.

Critics say Moi can see firsthand the misery in which he is leaving Kenya: One of his presidential mansions offers a sweeping vista of the seemingly endless rusty galvanized huts in Kibera, arguably Africa's largest slum.

Moi, a 6-footer, cherishes dressing in dark suits with a trademark red rose in the buttonhole. Everywhere he goes, he carries his rungu, a silver-topped ivory stick that many people say symbolizes his rule by iron fist. During a visit to Australia, Moi accidentally dropped and broke his prized rungu. He was so distressed that aides had to arrange for a replacement to be flown out.

And even though his party led the charge against British rule, Moi still relishes the trappings of colonialism: "afternoon tea still served by bow-tied waiters," according to biographer Andrew Morton, whose book on Moi was widely dismissed as puffery.

Some human rights groups say Moi has tolerated token opposition, held questionable elections and treated state funds as his own, in part to perpetuate an entrenched system of patronage.

Earlier this year, there were fears that Moi would try to extend his rule by changing the constitution. But the United States, Britain and local civic groups have pressured him to leave gracefully.

Analysts say Kenya is becoming increasingly important to the United States. If the U.S. decides to attack Iraq, for example, military agreements with Kenya would allow the U.S. to use the country's Indian Ocean ports and bases.

Every year, hundreds of thousands of Americans and Europeans flock to Kenya's game parks to see some of the most abundant wildlife in the world.

Analysts say Moi is leaving Kenya--once considered one of the most stable and prosperous countries in Africa--in a destitute condition.

"In the last 15 years, Kenyans have become poorer and poorer," said Robert Shaw, an economist in Nairobi, the capital. "People are getting poorer by the day."

The majority of Kenyans live below the poverty level, earning less than $1 a day. Under Moi's rule, Kenyans have seen their infrastructure collapse. Roads remain in disrepair. Telephones work sporadically. Water and power shortages are commonplace.

Carjackings, robberies and rampant crime have caused many people to refer to the Kenyan capital as "Nairobbery."

Richard Leakey, the noted paleontologist and wildlife expert who headed the Kenyan civil service, said the country is facing "probably the most important election."

"My sense is that it's not so much the replacement of one man, although that is fundamental to the equation," Leakey said. "It's the fallout of the change that will see a lot of people brought in, and I think those new people will make an enormous effort to distance themselves from the condition they know we [in Kenya] are in at the moment."

Since naming Kenyatta as his successor last month, Moi has been playing the role of campaign manager, using the presidential plane, state helicopters, state media and other government resources to promote Kenyatta's candidacy.

But many Kenyans are skeptical.

"Go away with Uhuru!" a crowd in western Kenya shouted at Moi when he sought to introduce Kenyatta to them.

"Goodbye, Moi, we disagree with your views," read placards at another stop. "Kenyans want to elect their own wise leaders."

Moi's campaign for Kenyatta has drawn fierce opposition from party stalwarts who have been waiting many years for a chance to succeed him. Kenyatta's biggest challenge comes from Energy Minister Raila Odinga, who enjoys the backing of his large Luo ethnic group.

Odinga said he fears that Moi and his cronies will rig the KANU election when about 4,000 delegates meet in the next several weeks to choose the party's presidential nominee. The KANU candidate will most likely be the favorite to win the general election, which is to be held before Moi's term expires Jan. 3. Kenya's fractured opposition parties are talking about forming an alliance to field a single candidate.

Analysts say that because of Moi's backing, Kenyatta is likely to win but that it's not certain whether the party will survive what promises to be a bruising internal election.

"The big question is whether the party stays together or not," a Western diplomat said.

If Kenyatta does win, some Kenyans say, he should be forewarned. They point to a statement Moi made to another lawmaker a few years ago.

"You know, a balloon is a small thing. I can pump it up to such an extent that it will be big and look very important," he said. "All you need to make it small again is to prick it with a needle."

The Chronicle Version

From Dominic Jale, Los Angeleas, California US

GHANA'S ALL time serial coup maker and Ex- President, Flt. Lt. Jerry John Rawlings, has been grouped into a league of corrupt African leaders who have instituted immunity provisions to cover themselves and their human rights record, one of the leading American newspapers, THE LOS ANGELES TIMES has reported.

A recent United Nations report, the key basis of for the paper's report revealed that an estimated $30billons in aid for Africa has been plundered, ending up in foreign bank accounts of corrupt African leaders.

The report filed by the LA Times staff correspondent, Davan Maharaj, from Nairobi, Kenya, was published in last Sunday's edition playing Kenya's ruthless and corrupt President as the main item in the broad report.

Captioned, "Kenya's Big Man Is Being Belittled", the report talked about the legacy of corruption and poverty President Daniel Arap Moi, of Kenya was bequeathing at the twilight of his term of office - end 2002.

There appears to be an eerie ring of similarities with the Ghanaian situation- human right abuse, reports of corruption at high places, immunities.

Apart from President Rawlings of Ghana, another African leader who featured prominently in the story and is linked with corruption is, Frederick Chiluba, the former President of Zambia.

Zambian Parliament recently revoked, Chiluba's immunity following allegations that he looted the country's treasury which is now bare of millions of dollars.

In Kenya, the other issue is how Arap Moi's fierce loyalists even in his cabinet and party supporters are now openly defying him for imposing the 41-year-old Uhuru Kenyatta, son the former Kenyan President Jomo Kenyatta, as his successor as the next presidential candidate in his party for the up-coming Kenyan elections.

"Crowds of ordinary Kenyans- who say he is leaving the legacy of poverty and corruption are booing and heckling him as he makes stops across the country," the paper said.

About two weeks ago Moi, fired a warning shot at his critics, when he sacked Environmental Minister, and his close pal, Joseph J. Kamotho and another cabinet Minister for accusing him that the imposition of a candidate on the party was nothing but a 'sinister' agenda.

For the last several weeks, Kenyans have been debating whether to grant amnesty to Moi and top government officials after he leaves office.

Linking both Rawlings and Chiluba to the league of corrupt African leaders, the paper re-counted how the ongoing debate on amnesty for African leaders will be repeated across the continent over the next decade.

This is because some people want their misdeeds to be covered. Moi's legacy, has forced the World Bank and other institutions to withhold hundreds of millions of dollars in loans until the government tackles high-level corruption.
According to the report the Kenyans are trapped in a vicious cycle in which the meagre wages of those fortunate to have jobs are eaten away by bribes they must pay for education, health care and basic government services. But the East African nation has a lot of company, the report said.

"A recent UN report revealed that an estimated $30 billion in aid of for Africa had ended up in individual's foreign accounts," "Only last month, the Zambian Parliament voted to revoked immunity covering Chiluba and in Ghana, the government is investigating corruption and human rights abuses of former President Jerry J. Rawlings, who ruled the West African country for 20 years," said LA Times.

Since Moi ascended to the presidency following the death of Jomo Kenyatta, he has dominated every aspect of Kenyans politics.

Political observers say the imposition of Kenyatta's son was a political strategy by Moi to get away with his alleged corruption.
They contested that Moi, helped protect the vast empire that Jomo Kenyatta amassed during his presidency and if his son is voted for he could be counted on to reciprocate.

In the late 1980s and 1990s, 33 African countries including Ghana adopted multi-party system.

Twenty-two leaders of military origin removed their military uniforms including Rawlings, contested and won their elections and instituted term limits.

As many of their tenures are coming to an end, the corrupt past of many African leaders will be dealt with by their successors.

"But this roll-call or accountability is what many of these African leaders are now running away from even though they claimed that they stood for honesty and loaded their speeches with good words such as accountability and liberators," a political analyst told Chronicle in a chat.

Dominic Jale, Our Senior Special Investigative Staff Correspondent is currently a World Press Institute student of Macalaster University (Mr. Kofi Annan's University) and will be away for five months. He is now approaching his third month since he left.

Views expressed by the author(s) do not necessarily reflect those of Ghanaweb.