After 15years of unbroken democratic governance the country is entitled to feel a sense of pride and achievement in managing our own affairs in a reasonably grown-up manner. We have found the room to accommodate our differences and provocations including some outrageous statements and acts from those who should know better without pressing the self-destruct button. We have also found our national esteem and pride largely gain international recognition. Through a combination of factors including sporting success, prominent roles on the international scene i.e. peacekeeping and peace-seeking roles, encouraging economic growth, and a more than mere lip-service attention to democratic governance, the Black Star of Africa has probably never shone brighter on the international horizon since independence.

In little over a year from now the country will go to the polls to elect a new president and legislature. A lot has been written about the prospects of either of the two main parties (NPP and NDC) carrying the majority of votes to take the Castle. In fact so intense are the feelings of die-hards on both sides of the divide that ones loss, which is inevitable, would be construed as the result of cheating by the other side. And it appears NDC sympathisers see themselves as the more likely to be robbed because the NPP have incumbency advantage to exploit. A view lent some credibility by the ludicrous glut in presidential aspirants within the NPP, apparently borne out of the idea that whoever emerges ahead of the pack within the party will certainly go on to win the main contest.

Thus in focussing so intensely on the battle for the presidency many appear to have forgotten that the victorious candidate may not necessarily have their party commanding majority in Parliament. While the presidency will remain the focus of national attention in terms of fulfilment of national aspirations, the legislature’s contribution cannot be under-stated. For this reason I sometimes wonder whether our understanding and belief in democratic governance is skewed rather narrowly. I also wonder whether as a nation we fully appreciate the fact that knowledge and expertise doesn’t reside only within narrow partisan folds although we might excuse that on the grounds of learning democracy’s complex ropes.

While there are notable achievements to shout about, it is still a little disconcerting that 15years into our 4th experiment with democracy, it sometimes feels like little has changed on the ground for Mr Joe Public. Let me illustrate my point with just two examples. The first is the current power crisis, which while perhaps a one-off in some ways typifies what at the heart is the main malaise afflicting our effort at national development since independence. Crisis management is one of the main challenges of every government and I think this particular crisis has exposed rather cruelly our leaders’ shortcomings. By leaders I don’t just mean the current administration although they bear the majority as it happened on their watch. If the president gloats about some oil findings, and by implication take the plaudits for it then I’m afraid he can’t hide when the news is bad as it is in the case of the current load shedding. Having said that I cast the blame much wider and further into the past because 20years ago if anyone cared about 20years into the future, they would have been aware that such a problem was bound to hit at some point. And if they cared even more about the country and its development, they would have done something about it. They failed on both scores and today the country is paying for that price of neglect, ignorance and short-termism. Golden anniversary celebration of independence on the back of power rationing is a national embarrassment, to say the least.

In developed countries, regardless of internal politics and differences, there always has been some kind of broad consensus on how to build their nations. This consensus often exists somewhere within the myriad of opinions and beneath the surface where the hot debates and disagreements take place. That is why incumbent governments are often able to set out long-term policy goals and directions well beyond the democratic life of any administration. In our society, in addition to the many difficulties we face, we have added partisan politics of the worst kind to it whereby any contribution to national debates are seen through the prism of ‘us against them’. Long-term policy initiatives are sacrificed on the alter of narrow partisan expediency.

My second example is about the crisis in our public universities, ala the chronic shortage of facilities to meet students’ needs. You would think the university authorities at Legon woke up one morning and thought, gee, student population far outstrips available accommodation and other facilities; how did we get here and what are we going to do about it? It was a situation that was predictable long ago if anyone bothered to look at the trend in admissions, yet those with the responsibility to find solutions simply sat on their hands because often that is the easier thing to do rather than the more difficult alternative solutions.

One can take a critical look at all the important sectors of the economy and ask; “Is there more talk than substance?” The government crows a lot about school feeding program, which has allowed many pupils to go back to school who hitherto were not attending because their parents or guardians could not afford it but there is little said about improving the very low standards at both the primary and JSS/SSS levels, which inevitably feeds into the universities. One has to ask whether we are bothered at all about the foundations of a solid economy, which conventional wisdom says is underpinned by a good education system. Numeracy and literacy standards are only good in a handful of private schools. The vast majority of public schools practically ill-equip our youngsters for the challenges globalisation is foisting on us and we seem not to be too concerned.

It is common knowledge that to compete well in today’s world economy many of our antiquated practices have to stop. For instance, we cannot still rely on nature’s whims to determine basic stuffs like food supply and availability of power. We cannot still have a situation where a journey of less than 200miles can take up to six hours or more because it is just too risky to overtake certain vehicles on our poorly constructed roads. Law enforcement remains a joke with police bribery and corruption still endemic. Customs officers whose primary duty is to maximise government revenue from imported goods have largely symbolic and convoluted guidelines to work with. The upshot is that it is much easier to be dishonest and line ones pockets at the expense of the state. Information and Communication Technology (ICT) remains a largely untapped tool for our development among businesses. The very establishments you would expect to know the value of ICT, i.e. media houses, universities and government bodies and ministries have very little to show for it. Even the way government operates leaves much to be desired. Our whole DNA appears to be steeped in ceremony and pointless pomp more than actual hard-work and results. To date when Mr President returns from any travel abroad, all the big guns in the government including heads of the services have to troop to the airport to welcome him back. What for? I have never been able to make sense of this practice. The justification seems to be, that has always been the practice so why stop? It may be a small cog in the big wheel of State affairs but it gives a glimpse of the mentality we bring to issues. Appearances mean more to us than substance.

A serious national re-orientation exercise is much needed if we are to have a real stab at accelerated development. Like many under-developed nations, Ghana’s plight is a tale of many missed and spurned opportunities.

I do not de-link our nations poverty from the wealth of the West although we have ourselves to blame to a greater degree than we sometimes like to admit. I maintain that it is not exactly in the interest of the West to have the under-developed world have parity or near-parity with them in economic terms. After all a significant percentage of their wealth is the direct and indirect result of exploitation of the under-developed countries. And the link between economic and political clout on the international stage is obvious. Why will they want us to be able to challenge some of their imperialist tendencies, which they consider vital to maintaining their supremacy? So while there is and perhaps will always be campaigns by the Bono’s and Geldofs to “Make Poverty History,” does any one seriously think that poverty and under-development in our part of the world will be wiped out if the G8 and other international donor organisations became exceptionally generous to us? The initiative and hard-work absolutely depends on our own selves.

To this end a national framework for accelerated development that takes account of our collective and natural strengths is a significant pre-condition. This NF should also be put together from a broad range of talents and experience irrespective of parochial affiliations. That way its value and strength transcends the very narrow and divisive fault-lines that have dogged our path to development since independence. Ambitious and realistic developmental programs do not emerge over night. Neither does the effort at implementation. If such a program is developed consensually, then succeeding governments will not feel the need to kind of wipe the slate clean on assuming office because they know better.

This exercise by no means shuts the door to expressions of differences and usual political squabbles between political parties, which are the stuff and beauty of democracy. Our failure to properly plan well ahead; our failure to develop institutions that endures in the face of individual adventurism; our failure to recognise the virtue of collective gain over individual and narrow interest; our failure to recognise our own potential in terms of natures endowment to us; our failure to appreciate the corrosive effect of allowing so-called little issues such as individual responsibility and accountability in a small establishment growing into mighty problems at big public corporation level thus undermining confidence in institutions and due process have all combined to hold us back. Ghana has the potential to be an economic beacon on a continent still pretty much left behind by the rest of the world. To achieve that fine words and empty rhetoric won’t help us. We will only delude ourselves. Instead we have to think, plan and implement for the long term, not our narrow short-term comforts.

Views expressed by the author(s) do not necessarily reflect those of GhanaHomePage.